Years ago, when I was a fairly new Heathen following a mostly Icelandic/Scandinavian-flavored path, someone I encountered online suggested that my fulltrui Odin and His Anglo-Saxon counterpart Woden might be two entirely separate Gods. I scoffed at this notion at the time, and still don’t think it’s literally true, but as I’ve become more involved with Anglo-Saxon Heathenry (having ultimately switched over to that path myself) I’ve come to appreciate why some people might come to that conclusion. Personally, I think it’s more a matter of how the Gods choose to reveal Themselves to different cultures and at different periods in history. There are limits to this, of course; like most Heathens I am a hard polytheist and I’m not suggesting Woden is Mercury, no matter what the Romans might have thought (and even though the spheres of those two Gods do overlap quite a bit). In my opinion Odin is Wodan is Woden—one and the same individual. The differences many people—including myself—have observed are due to the fact that He chose to emphasize different aspects of His very complex nature over others when dealing with the Anglo-Saxons and the people of the Migration Era than He did in, say, Viking-Age Scandinavia. This is similar to how you or I might emphasize different aspects of our personalities at the office during the workday than we might at home around the dinner table, or at a book club meeting on a Saturday. All of the Heathen Deities exhibit some of these cultural variations; it’s only to be expected that we would see more of them in Woden because He does, after all, have over 200 names. He adores disguises—a point which is attested to again and again in the lore, not least of all by Grimnir, Hooded or Masked One, being one of those many names.
What, then, are some of these cultural differences?
- Viking Warlord versus Wandering Shaman-King
The Viking image of Odin (which is still prevalent throughout much of Heathenry today) as the ruthless and battle-crazed warlord who is willing to sacrifice everyone and everything in His preparations for Ragnarok is entirely absent from Anglo-Saxon lore. One reason for this is that the Viking-age Scandinavians—especially in places such as Norway and Sweden, where Odin was a popular deity—led a much more warlike existence than their Anglo-Saxon cousins had several centuries earlier. In 8th and 9th century Scandinavia, men divided their time between farming (which came under the patronage of Thor and Freyr) and sailing off on trading and raiding expeditions (in other words, going “a-Viking”), both of which were in Odin’s domain. Sacrificing to Odin for victory, a practice which is cited among the Germanic tribes as early as Tacitus, reached its height during the Viking Era, by the end of which time the predominant image of Odin is that of the splendidly armed and helmeted king restlessly drilling His troops at Valhalla, and betraying His mortal champions to their premature deaths in order to swell the numbers of His undead armies. During the century or so prior to the year 1,000, millennial hysteria—inspired by the growing influence of Christianity—crept in to give this idea a new twist: Ragnarok, the great battle at the end of time, during which the Gods would fight against the Giants, and most of the Gods—including Odin—would perish.
In Anglo-Saxon lore, by contrast, there is no mention at all of Ragnarok or even of Valhalla. Furthermore, there is no mention of Loki, who in the Icelandic Eddas (both poetic and prose) enjoyed a starring role as the instigator of this apocalyse. Woden was still a popular Deity in Anglo-Saxon England (judging by the numbers of place-names, perhaps even the most popular) and was still regarded as a king—as well as the ancestor of kings, listed in royal genealogies even today—but where in Scandinavia He was seen as Asgard’s militant warlord, in England He was instead regarded as first among equals. (A model which tended to be followed—whether consciously or not—by later English monarchs.) Rather than constant war-mongering, His primary occupation in Anglo-Saxon England was wandering the countryside (as well as the worlds) in pursuit of wisdom and magical power—of which His well-known ordeal to obtain the runes, the mysteries underlying all of creation, is but one of many examples. In my own personal gnosis, however, He still bears the responsibility for preserving Eormensyl (the World Tree, the Anglo-Saxon equivalent to Yggdrasil) and Middle Earth (Midgard). This is a duty He takes very seriously and for which He enlists the aid of those humans He calls to His service. He is still the great strategist, and can be cold and ruthless when needed; yet there is a considerably greater spark of warmth in Him, as well as humor, than is traditionally seen in the Norse Odin, and bloodlust takes a back seat to craftiness. In this, He bears a considerable resemblance to Tolkien’s wizard Gandalf—a character who was, in fact, based on Him. (I’m not saying here that my personal image of Woden is based solely on Gandalf; far from it, I’ve seen Him—in my own Work—in a number of guises as well as at an assortment of different ages, ranging from the defiant young man who slew Ymir to the robust king in His prime to the wise Old Man. But Tolkien definitely drew a great deal of his inspiration for Gandalf from Woden Himself.)
- The Wild Hunt
Balancing out the absence of Ragnarok from Anglo-Saxon lore is the addition of another role for Woden: that of leader of the Wild Hunt. This concept was not entirely unknown in Scandinavia (in Sweden, for example, the Wild Hunt is also known as Odens jagt or “Woden’s Hunt,”) but the Hunt itself is mentioned far more often in German and Old English sources. Branston, in The Lost Gods of England, speculates that Woden—whose name is possibly derived from the same Indo-European root as Latin ventus and Sanskrit vata, both meaning “wind”—may have originated as a deified version of the German storm giant Wode who led a procession of the restless dead through the winter skies. (I don’t necessarily agree that Woden is a deified version of anything; He is a God, in and of Himself. However, it may well be that He was first experienced by people as a storm spirit. Whatever the case, as late as 1127 the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle reported that in February of that year “many people both saw and heard a whole pack of huntsmen in full cry…[with] black horses and black bucks while their hounds were pitch black with staring hideous eyes.” Woden’s role as leader of this unruly band is supported by the fact that the Old English identified Him with the Roman Mercury because both Gods were psychopomps, or leaders of the souls of the dead. A 10th century homily from Kemble’s Solomon and Saturn speaks of Mercury (whose “name when translated to Danish is Odinn”) as the highest of the Heathen Gods: “at the cross-roads/they offered him booty/and to the high hills/brought him victims to slay.” Variant names given the Wild Hunt in English folklore—such as “Herlathing,” after a mythical King Herla—are often found to relate directly back to Woden as well; it has been suggested, for example, that Herla relates to Herjan, one of Woden’s epithets associated with His role as a leader of dead warriors.
- Woden the Healer
Another possible etymology of Woden’s name connects it with the Latin vates and Irish faith, both of which designate a bard. This explanation fits, considering Woden’s association with words and language in all the cultures that revered Him. In Gaul, however, the meaning of vates is closer to that of “wizard”; Strabo notes that the vates are “offerers of sacrifice and interpreters of nature,” and Saxo Grammaticus—interestingly—refers to Odinn as vates. Towards the beginning of his Ynglinga Saga, Snorri Sturluson gives an impressive list of Odin’s magical abilities, including shape-shifting, astral projection, and the stealing of luck or wit from one person in order to give it to another (a non-oracular manifestation of seidhr). In the surviving Anglo-Saxon lore, however, most of the evidence of Wodan as a wizard connects Him with healing magic. For example, the Nine Herbs Charm, recorded in the 10th century manuscript Lacnunga, tells us that:
A serpent came crawling (but) it destroyed no one
When Woden took nine twigs of glory (AS wuldortanas),
(and) then struck the adder so that it flew into nine (pieces)
Most scholars consider glory-twigs, or wuldortanas, to be slips of wood with runes cut into them (possibly representing the nine herbs mentioned in the charm); these call to mind Tacitus’ account of the use of runes by the early Germanic tribes and let us know that the Anglo-Saxons did indeed know of Woden’s connection with the runes. (As well as the method by which He won them, alluded to in the reference to His connection with the crossroads—a common site for hangings—in Kemble, cited above.) Where the Anglo-Saxon accounts differ is that they also solidly connect Woden with magical and medicinal herbalism. The Nine Herbs Charm, for example, names chervil and fennel as:
those herbs the wise lord created,
holy in the heavens, when he was hanging;
He confirmed and sent (them) into the seven worlds.
The “wise lord” in this passage is clearly a better match for Woden than for Christ (the accounts of whose crucifixion in Anglo-Saxon sources often sound a great deal more like Woden’s ordeal on the Tree), and the seven worlds refer to the fact that in Anglo-Saxon lore seven worlds are named instead of nine (the elemental worlds of fire and ice being omitted). In any case, though, the meaning of the charm is clear: the magician seeks to align himself with Woden’s considerable powers of herbal healing. This reading is reinforced by the 2nd Merseburg Charm (from 10th century Germany) which relates how Phol (presumably Bealdor, or Balder) and Wodan went riding one day, and Balder’s foal wrenched its foot. Several of the Goddesses (Sindgund and Her sister Sunna, and then Frija and Her sister Volla—probably Fulla) attempt a healing, ostensibly with little success, and then “encharmed it Woden, as he the best could” and the injury was healed. Clearly, in Anglo-Saxon England Woden was regarded as having a strong connection with healing and herbal magic, a connection that mostly didn’t carry over to Scandinavia, despite the array of other powers attributed to Odin there.
- The Valkyries
Most Viking-era lore presents Odin’s handmaidens, the Valkyries (or “choosers of the slain”) as armed supernatural warrior women who act as guides, lovers and teachers to Odin’s mortal heroes (and are sometimes even mortal princesses themselves) and serve wine or mead to His undead heroes, the Einherjar, in the warrior’s paradise of Valhalla. There are glimpses here and there, however, that the original conception of the Valkyries was something far darker, wilder, and more primitive. In the Darradarljod, or the Lay of Darts, for example, they are shown weaving a fabric made from entrails weighted with human heads, to determine the outcome of the Battle of Clontarf. In Old English, the equivalent term for Valkyrie is waelcyrge, which is linked with witches and alluded to in the Lacnunga charm Wid Faerstice (for a Sudden Stich), which makes reference to “mighty women” throwing spears. In the 8th and 10th centuries, Old English manuscripts substitute the word waelcyrge for “Erinyes,” or the Greek furies. This conjures up quite a different image from the comparatively tame battle maidens of Viking lore. Since the raven itself is referred to as waelcesega (“chooser of the slain”) in the Anglo-Saxon poem Exodus, Branston speculates that the waelcyrge known to the Old English were in reality Woden’s ravens and wolves, the familiar companions of the God of the dead and—going by the comparison to the Furies—tormentors of lost souls.
I would suggest further that the comparison to witches may cast the Anglo-Saxon Valkyries as sorceresses who (like their patron) can take the shape of ravens or wolves. These sorceresses may have also acted as Woden’s sacrificial priestesses, one possible later example of this being the “Angel of Death,” the priestess who sacrifices a young girl in the Arab Ibn Fadlan’s report of a Russ (Viking) chieftain’s funeral. There are also much earlier accounts of priestesses among the Germanic tribes in the service of “Mercury,” such as the mention by Strabo of priestesses among the Cimbri who hanged war prisoners over great bronze bowls, into which their blood was then drained when their throats were slit. And of course, they may be connected with the seeresses who Tacitus and others tells us were so highly regarded by the Germanic tribes. These shape-shifting witch-women may represent the closest thing we can find in recorded lore to an actual priesthood of Woden, and perhaps in later centuries (during the Migration Era) even developed into the kind of organized Valkyrie sisterhood imagined by Diana Paxson in her Wodan’s Children novels. But at any rate, they are a far cry from the rather tame romantic heroines of Norse lore.
These are the most striking differences I can think of right now, although there are others I’m sure. At any rate, it’s clear that under the name of Woden the God of the Slain seems to take on a slightly different character, one that better fits the more animistic and holistic world-view of Anglo-Saxon Heathenry. Yet in my opinion and my experiences, He is still very much Odin—just seen through a different cultural lens.
- Valgrind

